Allied Force NATO

C. The International Arena

NATO. Clinton enjoyed unprecedented support from German socialists, ex-peaceniks, and French officials long suspicious of U.S. power in Europe. Observers noting Clinton's partnership with British Prime Minister Tony Blair, dubbed the pair "Franklin and Winston."49 Greece and the new Eastern European members closest to the fighting resisted a wider war. The generals complained about political interference, but the consensus held. NATO Heads of State met in Washington for the 50^th anniversary celebration and reiterated that "President Milosevic must:

Ensure a verifiable stop to all military action and the immediate ending of violence and repression in Kosovo;
Withdraw from Kosovo his military, police and para-military forces;
Agree to the stationing in Kosovo of an international military presence;
Agree to the unconditional and safe return of all refugees and displaced persons, and unhindered access to them by humanitarian aid organisations; and
Provide credible assurance of his willingness to work for the establishment of a political framework agreement based on the Rambouillet accords."50

The President visited NATO's Brussels headquarters in early May. By the end of the month NATO ambassadors had agreed on a post war peacekeeping force of 50,000. In preparation, the European partners began sending troops to Macedonia, and Washington deployed a contingent of 5,000. The British led other allies in contributing more to an intensified air campaign that had been primarily a U.S. operation. Blair and the British media pressed Clinton to approve ground troops to end the war, but the U.S. was not alone in opposition. Religious groups and anti-war activists on the continent began to have an impact. At a June economic summer alliance unity would continue to be tested.

Russia. As soon as Clinton initiated bombing, Russia and China cosponsored a Security Council Resolution denouncing the "flagrant" Charter violation and threat to international peace. India was not a Council member, but its representative joined China on behalf of half the world's population in opposing the unauthorized military intervention. Namibia was the only other Council member to vote with the two cosponsors, and the resolution failed 12-3. Representatives of NATO countries insisted that it was Yugoslavia which had breached the Charter. Two weeks later, Yeltsin blustered: "Do not push us towards military action or there will be at the minimum a European and possibly even a world war."51

The Russian President soon adopted a more collaborative approach through special envoy Viktor Chernomyrdin. In a meeting with Clinton's advisers, Chernomyrdin agreed to play a "good cop" negotiating role in partnership with Finland’s President Martti Ahtisaari as the "bad cop" threatening Milosevic.52 By early May the Russians had accepted the allies’ terms in a plan approved at a ministers conference in Bonn. Chernomyrdin reportedly advised Milosevic that Russia could not help if NATO invaded.53 Just when renewed diplomacy offered fresh hope, the Chinese Embassy was bombed. Not until June 2 did Russia and the West overcome last-minute difficulties to unite in presenting Milosevic with an international peace plan for Kosovo.

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